When you call 311, the problem should go away and stay away. Here's what actually happens:

• 97.7% of cases get closed
• 45% of those generate a new complaint at the same location within 30 days
• At Church and Duboce, the median gap between closure and a new report is three days

If 311 closes the case on Tuesday, the same complaint is back by Friday. The system is built to count activity, not results.

If 311 closes the case on Tuesday, the same complaint is back by Friday.

For seniors living alone (39% of D8's senior population, the highest rate in the city), a broken sidewalk isn't an annoyance. It's what makes someone question their daily walk.

I'll push for outcome-based 311 metrics that measure recurrence, not just closure, and publish that data by district. The street you walk down every day should actually get better.

There are 71 infant care slots in all of District 8. One couple told me they applied to a dozen providers before finding one, and it doesn't even accept the city's subsidy.

There are 71 infant care slots in the entire district.

San Francisco passed a landmark childcare subsidy but didn't build a childcare network to use it. The city's childcare voucher program, ELFA, is a subsidy for a market that barely exists.

I'll require new residential and mixed-use developments on transit corridors to include ground-floor spaces built to childcare licensing specs: the right square footage, ventilation, sinks, outdoor access, and egress so a licensed provider can move in without six figures in tenant improvements. I'll open rec center rooms that are currently empty from 8am to 3pm for use by licensed childcare providers. And I'll push to cut ELFA network enrollment from twelve months to ninety days, because a provider who wants to accept the city's voucher shouldn't have to wait a year for permission.

Additionally, more housing near transit will mean more teachers, aides, and childcare workers that can better access the neighborhoods where they work. This is where housing policy becomes education policy.

Muni needs more money and better accountability. A $307 million fiscal cliff threatens routes across the city, and ballot measures this November will determine whether service survives. I'll campaign for that funding, because losing service is not an option.

The system's train controls still boot from floppy disks every morning. Three of them, to be precise.

If you ride the J Church, you already know: it runs on time less than half the time. The SF Charter mandates 85% on-time performance, which SFMTA has never hit. The agency hasn't published route-level performance data since 2018. Around then, they shifted to tracking headway, which is important but inadequate alone. A city department shouldn't be able to choose a metric just because it looks better. I want both numbers reported, side by side.

Two SFMTA Board positions expire fourteen months into the next supervisor's term. I'll use those confirmation hearings to push for specific commitments: D8 route performance published monthly, headway and schedule-based data reported together, and a timeline for the J Church corridor engineering study.

Fund the system. Demand the receipts.

Routes 35, 36, and 37 connect Diamond Heights (25% of D8's senior population and the highest transit vulnerability in the district) to the rest of the city. If those routes get cut, the people who depend on them aren't just inconvenienced. They're stranded on a hill. I'll require an equity analysis before any route elimination that serves a transit-dependent population.

The city's real-time camera network has assisted 500 arrests. I support the technology, but I don't support operating it without basic answers: who has access to the data, how long is it kept, is data passed to the federal government, and are cameras disproportionately surveilling specific communities?

Prop E removed the governance framework that was supposed to answer those questions. I'll reinstate it, starting with two guardrails:

1. A federal data-sharing prohibition: local surveillance data cannot be shared with ICE, DHS, or FBI without a warrant and Board notification.
2. An independent annual bias audit of where cameras are deployed and whose movements are tracked.

In this district, 48% of anti-LGBTQ+ violence survivors who interacted with police reported misconduct. Surveillance infrastructure without oversight doesn't just fail in the abstract. It fails specific people.

Three additional guardrails (civilian oversight, data retention limits, audit logs) are detailed on the Research Desk.

Eighteen California jurisdictions have opted into the Microenterprise Home Kitchen Operations law:

• Up to $100,000 in annual revenue per operator
• Zero cost to the city
• No proof of citizenship required
• Zero foodborne illness outbreaks to date

Eighteen jurisdictions have opted in. Zero foodborne illness outbreaks have been reported.

San Francisco, the food city, hasn't opted in. I spent years at DoorDash watching people build food businesses from nothing. The entrepreneurs are already here. They just need permission to operate.

A home kitchen can become a catering operation, then a pop-up at an activated storefront, then a permanent restaurant lease. I'll pair adoption with data protections so joining the permitted economy doesn't create an immigration enforcement risk.

This should be the easiest yes on the page.

San Francisco rezoned 60% of the city and didn't solve the underlying problem.

Three numbers tell that story:

• 82,069: units the state says SF must plan for by 2031
• 36,200: theoretical capacity the Family Zoning Plan creates
• 8,500–14,600: what the city's own chief economist says will actually get built over twenty years

That gap is the whole ballgame. Everyone agrees it exists. Then they disagree about what caused it and what to do next.

To put this into perspective, only 1,453 homes were completed citywide in 2024. Why comes down to three things:

1. Permitting takes 280 days on the fast track (three times as long as Austin, twice as long as DC) with a backlog of 1,300 applications, some dating to 2017.
2. Construction costs run $425,000 or more per market-rate unit.
3. Over 50,000 approved units have stalled because developers can't get financing.

Strong labor standards also contribute to the gap, but the effective path to more housing runs through permitting and financing.

I'll push to enforce permitting timelines with automatic escalation if missed, extend fee reductions set to expire this November, and build local financing tools that don't depend on federal dollars that may not come. Where tenant protections are backed by evidence, I'll support them. Where the data is mixed, I'll say so.

Rezoning was necessary, but it's not sufficient alone. Behaving otherwise insults the people who need housing.

Every new home in D8 should work for someone who's 35 or 75. The math is simple:

• A visitability standard (zero-step entries, wider doorways, one accessible bathroom) adds $100–$600 per unit during construction
• Retrofitting later costs $10,000+
• That's a 20:1 cost penalty for doing it in the wrong order

30% of San Francisco residents will be over 60 or living with a disability by 2030. 77% of the city's housing stock was built before 1950: stairs, narrow doorways, no elevators. LGBTQ+ seniors face a sharper version: twice as likely to live alone, four times less likely to have adult children who can provide care.

We know what happens when you don't design for aging. We're watching it.

77% of the city's housing stock was built before 1950. We know what happens when you don't design for aging. We're watching it.

I'll push for a visitability standard in all new residential construction in D8. The cost of getting this right is measured in hundreds per unit. The cost of getting it wrong is measured in thousands, and we'll pay it for decades.

1939 Market Street matters enormously: 187 units of LGBTQ+ senior housing, expected to complete in 2029. It also represents 74% of D8's dedicated affordable pipeline. One delay, one funding gap, one federal cut could stall nearly all of D8's affordable production.

That's too much riding on one project.

I'll track 1939 Market quarterly because it matters too much to set and forget, and I'll push for a second affordable site by inventorying publicly and institutionally owned land in D8, starting with faith community parking lots and underused public parcels. A district that holds 10% of the population needs more than one project carrying its future.

The city spent $108 million on police overtime last year with no significant improvement in public safety outcomes. 12% of the workforce captured 68% of the overtime dollars. 13% of overtime cards didn't have required supervisor signatures. The Budget and Legislative Analyst put 27 recommendations on the table — some cost nothing, and zero have been adopted.

Before anyone argues about more or less, we should know where the dollars we're already spending are going.

I'll start there: require supervisor sign-off on all overtime, cap individual overtime hours, and publish department-level overtime data quarterly.

I also hear the other side from D8 neighbors: concern about disbanded foot patrols, uneven response times, and a department running on fumes. That's real, and it isn't separate from the overtime problem. Running a department on overtime costs more than staffing it properly, and officers pulling 80-hour weeks don't produce safer outcomes for anyone, including themselves. Getting this right means recruitment that reaches beyond the usual pipelines, retention for officers with roots in the communities they serve, and training that reduces the burnout and bad calls that drive both attrition and harm. None of that requires a bigger budget. It requires spending the current one better.

San Francisco gets thousands of 911 calls a year that aren't crimes in progress, including behavioral health crises, wellness checks, welfare concerns, and non-injury incidents. The Street Crisis Response Team (SCRT) already exists and was designed for exactly this purpose. The team, which usually includes a clinician, paramedic, and peer counselor, is trained in effective and harmless de-escalation. Between 2022 and 2023, it handled over 12,000 calls, needed police backup in fewer than 2% of cases, and resolved more than 50% on scene without a transport to jail or an ER.

Before SCRT existed, SFPD was dispatched to roughly 14,000 of these calls each year. Every one SCRT takes now is a shift SFPD doesn't have to spend and a person far likelier to walk away connected to care.

I'll push to expand SCRT's hours and coverage, fund its connection-to-services follow-through, and keep building out the alternative-response roster: the Street Overdose Response Team (SORT) for overdoses, the Compassionate Alternative Response Team (CART) for wellness checks, and neighborhood ambassadors where a uniform isn't what's needed.

The safest blocks are not the most policed. They're the best cared for.

The safest blocks are not the most policed. They're the best cared for.

Streetlights reduce nighttime crime 36%. After-dark programming in Los Angeles parks cost $3.3 million and prevented an estimated $11.4 million in crime-related costs. A lit block with an active storefront and evening programming in the adjacent park is a fundamentally different environment than a dark block with a vacant storefront and an inaccessible park.

I'll push for coordinated block-level investment on D8's highest-need corridors that combines lighting, greening, and programming into a single initiative rather than running them through three separate departments that don't talk to each other. One intervention strategy, three budget justifications.

Three people become newly homeless for every one person San Francisco moves off the street, driven primarily by rising rent burden.

Three people become newly homeless for every one person San Francisco moves off the street.

Two numbers make the case:

• $7,250: cost of a prevention program per case
• $46,081: cost of a shelter bed per year

The math points in one direction.

I've talked to D8 residents who were one rent increase away from losing their housing and couldn't point to accessible short-term assistance. The programs that keep people housed are cheap, effective, and drastically underfunded. I'll expand the city's problem-solving and rapid re-housing programs and fund targeted rental assistance for the 3,570 severely cost-burdened D8 households who are one emergency away from homelessness.

D8 has zero emergency shelter beds, and 85.5% of people experiencing homelessness in the district are unsheltered.

I won't name a site in a campaign mailer and call it leadership, but I will convene a community process within my first six months to identify a D8 shelter site and bring a recommendation to the Board.

Breaking the Cycle has delivered mixed results and is funded with $37.5 million in private philanthropy with no operational public funding, in a city facing an $800 million budget deficit. What happens when the donors move on?

Prop C generates $300 million a year through a dedicated tax and survived a change in administration. Private generosity is welcome, but it shouldn't be the load-bearing wall. I'll require a sustainability plan for every BtC facility, plus outcome tracking and a public funding transition plan.

Private generosity is welcome, but it shouldn't be the load-bearing wall.

When someone is cleared from a Tenderloin sidewalk without getting connected to shelter, housing, or treatment, they don't disappear. They walk to the Castro, to Church Street, to the corridors where D8 residents live and work.

Enforcement without available services doesn't reduce homelessness. It relocates it.

Enforcement without available services doesn't reduce homelessness. It relocates it.

I'll push for a protocol that requires outreach teams to offer real, available services before any encampment clearance, and for dedicated outreach capacity in the neighborhoods that absorb the downstream effects.

The city is spending $14 million on RESET, a 26-month pilot where police arrest people for public intoxication and drop them at a center. The City Attorney flagged it as "very high legal risk." The evidence base for LEAD-style diversion, which replaces the arrest with services, is stronger on long-term behavior change.

LEAD-style programs already exist in San Francisco, run by local nonprofits, with stronger outcomes and no legal exposure. The question is why the city is spending $14 million to replicate them at higher risk instead of scaling what works.

San Francisco repaves 100+ miles of streets every year. Right now, every mile goes back exactly as dangerous as it was before.

A Safety Trigger ordinance would change that. Any time we repave, replace a signal, or restore a utility cut on a high-injury street, the project would also include safety improvements before the street reopens: cleared sightlines at intersections, pedestrian head-start signals, curb extensions, and protected infrastructure.

Hoboken adopted this approach and hasn't had a pedestrian fatality since 2016.

This isn't a new capital project but a policy that turns routine maintenance into systematic safety improvement, 100 miles at a time.

Speed cameras cut speeding 72%, pedestrian head-start signals cost $200–$1,200 per intersection while reducing crashes 13%, and the data showing where to deploy them exists.

Actual deployment ignores that data. Market Street gets 60% of D8's traffic citations, while Guerrero gets almost nothing despite the highest injury rate in the district. That's a 65:1 citation gap. 119 people were hit in D8 crosswalks over five years.

Market Street gets 60% of D8's traffic citations, while Guerrero gets almost nothing despite the highest injury rate in the district.

I'll push to redeploy enforcement and infrastructure by injury data, expand speed camera coverage to D8's highest-injury corridors, and publish corridor-level safety results so residents can see whether the investments are working.

Over six years, 49 hate crimes were reported in the Castro. Every single one was classified with "Unknown" bias motivation. All 49. And that's only what was reported. Hate crimes are among the most underreported categories of crime.

49 hate crimes reported. Every single one classified 'Unknown.' All 49.

The data doesn't tell us whether these were anti-LGBTQ+ attacks, or something else, or a mix, because the system never bothered to find out.

California's anti-LGBTQ+ bias events rose 86% between 2022 and 2023, and another 14% in 2024. Without accurate classification, we can't target prevention, track trends, or show whether interventions work.

My first public safety hearing will ask one question: why can't the city tell us who is being targeted? I'll formally request SFPD present a corrective plan within 90 days. I'll fund dedicated hate crime investigation capacity and build community reporting tools that capture harassment and intimidation below the criminal threshold.

This community has done its own safety work for decades, and now our systems need to do theirs.

236 commercial property owners in D8 have never filed their vacancy tax returns. Not late, never filed. No audits. No penalties. Apparently no consequences.

We don't need to raise the tax. We need to collect the one voters already approved.

I'll push the Treasurer's office to conduct compliance audits, assess penalties for non-filers, and publish enforcement data by district. For chronic vacancies, I support an escalating tax rate: a 50% increase at year three, doubling at year four and beyond.

An arts activation that lasts six months saves a landlord $6,250–$25,000 a year by qualifying as an "occupied" storefront under the vacancy tax. That's a built-in financial incentive, not a subsidy request.

The Vacant to Vibrant program has activated 21 storefronts citywide. Half converted to permanent businesses. That conversion rate makes this not just a band-aid but a pipeline from temporary activation to permanent tenancy.

I'll expand the program to D8 and pair it with the vacancy tax enforcement above. Empty storefronts are simultaneously a commercial problem, a cultural problem, and a safety problem. Filling them addresses all three.

Opening a restaurant in San Francisco shouldn't require a yearlong obstacle course. Here's what it looks like today:

• Six government agencies
• Up to 61 procedural steps
• $22,648 in fees
• 332-day average wait if conditional use is required

That's a filter, and it selects for restaurateurs with deep capital reserves and professional connections. It works against immigrants, first-time owners, and anyone without wealth to absorb months of rent on a space they can't use.

I'll convert our default posture from "no, unless" to "yes, if." Health and safety standards stay. The procedural obstacle course goes. I'll push for pre-cleared commercial kitchen permits that stay with the space. A restaurant replacing a restaurant in the same kitchen should not face the full permitting process again. Expand over-the-counter permits for low-risk business types. Set a 48-hour occupancy confirmation target for pre-cleared spaces.

I'll convert our default posture from "no, unless" to "yes, if."

Michigan runs a civic crowdfunding match program: residents raise half, the state matches the rest. The program has funded 421 projects with a 97% completion rate. Every $1 of public match generated $10.47 in combined project value. No California city has tried it.

I'd launch a D8 pilot offering up to $150,000 in city match funds for projects led by residents: murals, pop-ups, community gardens, a performance series that rotates through D8 neighborhoods. Projects are chosen by the people who live there, not by a grants panel downtown.

Equity provisions (lower thresholds, fee coverage, capacity-building support) ensure smaller groups aren't drowned out by those with bigger fundraising networks.

The Castro already has the investment. What it doesn't have is the coordination.

The Castro Theatre renovation and 2280 Market Street represent $52.6 million in combined cultural investment within blocks of each other. The foot traffic one generates could fill the other, and a shared programming calendar could make the Castro a destination seven nights a week. None of that is happening. No shared strategy, no joint impact analysis, no plan to connect two anchor investments on the same corridor.

A supervisor can convene, and I will. The money is committed. It's time to commit the coordination.

The money is committed. It's time to commit the coordination.

San Francisco requires private developers to spend 1% of construction costs on public art. Since 1985, the program has produced 53 works. Roughly one per year. The city's own auditors found the Planning Department had no database to track which projects were subject to the requirement. Across all project files since 2005, only one contained receipts documenting actual art expenditure.

Compare that to the public 2% for Art program: 506 works and $32.5 million since 2005. Same city, same concept, vastly different administration.

I'll introduce legislation to:

• Create a mandatory public registry with annual reporting
• Adopt a discount model that incentivizes pooled Trust Fund contributions over token on-site installations
• Direct Trust Fund spending to align with Cultural District priorities

The program exists. The money should exist. As far as anyone can tell, nobody's been keeping track.

Every D8 resident lives within a ten-minute walk of a park. That's a 100% access score and a genuine achievement.

The equity score, which measures whether those parks are well-maintained, well-programmed, and actually enjoyable to use, spans 33–63%.

I'll push for equity metrics that measure what residents actually experience: programming frequency, facility condition, amenity availability, maintenance response times. I'll push for dedicated D8 recreation programming using the same rec center rooms that host childcare during daytime hours, proving the shared-use model works across a full day.